The Politics of Knowledge
The chapter says struggles over knowledge play out across related areas, and names three: research, innovation, and this third one. (p. 68)
Education
This three-letter abbreviation names the knowledge held by a society or culture about its local environment. (p. 69)
TEK — traditional ecological knowledge
Horizontal learning is based on the principles of this Brazilian educator's pedagogy, which the chapter calls "Freirian." (p. 69)
Paulo Freire
Campesino a campesino, the methodology that originated in 1980s Central America, translates into English as this. (p. 71)
Farmer to farmer
The chapter says agricultural modernization violates the principles of this, named by Visvanathan — the idea that invalidating farmers as knowledge-holders is what enables imposing mainstream technologies on them. (p. 80)
Cognitive justice
The chapter says knowledge and power are intimately linked, and that this is why two questions shape what agroecology can become. The first is "what knowledges are enabled and valued?" The second asks this about the people who hold knowledge. (p. 68)
Who are acknowledged as valid holders and producers of knowledge
The chapter gives three traditional systems as examples of TEK in action: East Asian rice–fish systems, Mexico's milpa–solares home plots, and these Andean ridge fields that control drought and frost. (p. 69)
Waru-waru ridge fields
In horizontal learning the hierarchy between teacher and learner is intentionally dissolved, so all actors offering their own experience and knowledge are regarded as this. (p. 70)
Teacher-learners
Peter Rosset argues that: farmers are more likely to believe and emulate a fellow farmer than to take the word of this kind of professional?
An agronomist
This term names the exploitation of indigenous peoples' traditional knowledge and genetic heritage for commercial gain, "particularly with the expansion of biotechnology for medicines." (p. 79)
Biopiracy
Enabling agroecology demands a departure from this approach, which the chapter describes as linear and "dominated by formal science and experts." (p. 68)
Knowledge transfer
Begun in 2002 under the FAO, this initiative now recognizes 59 sites in 22 countries as reservoirs of biodiversity, culture, and traditional knowledge. (p. 69)
GIAHS — Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems
The chapter says the knowledge systems of traditional cultures, civil society, and farmers are important but "most powerful" in dialogue with expert and scientific knowledge. It gives this Spanish name to that practice. (p. 77)
Diálogo de saberes
These bring groups of agricultural producers together for farmer-centred experiential learning in the field, so that they can collectively observe, measure, analyse, and interpret agroecosystem relationships. In Indonesia they spread integrated pest management and evolved into what was called "community IPM." (p. 74)
Farmer Field Schools
DeLonge et al. (2016) found that agroecology received this share of the 2014 US Department of Agriculture research, extension, and economics budget. (p. 81)
0.6–1.5%
The chapter says the knowledge agroecology needs is "radically different" from what mainstream agricultural universities and policy think tanks produce, mostly because agroecology develops in these kinds of ways. (p. 67)
Context-specific and place-based
Many indigenous cultures pass knowledge and genetic resources from generation to generation through ceremonies, stories, songs, and this fourth practice. (p. 69)
Oral histories
The chapter insists a transformative agroecology is not anti-expert. Instead, knowledge professionals such as researchers, teachers, and technicians should shift from spreading knowledge to doing this. (p. 77)
Enabling and co-producing knowledge
La Via Campesina operates roughly this many "agroecology schools" around the world, all of which combine technical and political education. (p. 73)
About 65
Olivier De Schutter, then UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, noted that agroecology research goes unfunded "perhaps because [its] practices cannot be rewarded by" these. (p. 81)
Patents
The chapter argues that the remit of learning goes "far beyond the adoption of specific agroecological techniques" and instead depends on wider processes of these three things. (p. 68)
Democratization, organization, and inclusion
The chapter names three forces that have eroded traditional practices and knowledge: centuries of colonialism, Western bias in development and research, and this third one. (p. 69)
Imposed corporate knowledge and technologies
Figure 5.1 places practice at the center of transformative agroecology learning and shows four pillars as orange segments that provide the "connective tissue" to one political project. Name the project the figure places in the yellow circle. (Figure 5.1, p. 70)
Food sovereignty
In Mali, the CNOP's training programme at the Nyéléni center has produced more than 500 farmer-trainers, who have since trained this many producers. (Box 5.2, p. 76)
20,000 producers
Conventional progress indicators focus narrowly on crop and livestock productivity and cash income. FAO is now developing this tool for multidimensional assessment of agroecology's performance. (p. 82)
TAPE — Tool for Agroecology Performance Evaluation