How has ICAN responded to the issue of WMDs?
The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) has led global civil society efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons, campaigning for the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). It mobilises public opinion, pressures states to sign the treaty, and educates on humanitarian consequences.
What are two causes of armed conflict in Myanmar?
The 2021 military coup by the Tatmadaw against Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government reignited civil war by dismantling democratic institutions. A second cause is ethnic fragmentation—long-standing conflicts with minority groups such as the Karen, Kachin, and Rohingya, driven by resource competition and exclusion from political power.
What are China’s national interests in terms of economic prosperity?
Sustained growth via a larger, skilled workforce and higher domestic demand. Beijing lifted caps to a three-child policy in 2021, then rolled out nationwide childcare cash subsidies (from 2025) while cities/provinces added cash and housing bonuses (e.g., Tianmen, Hubei Province, multi-year payouts and housing grants).
How has Australia used diplomacy in the Indo-Pacific as a foreign policy instrument?
Canberra is leveraging sports diplomacy by bankrolling a PNG team into the NRL (A$600m over 10 years, team targeted for 2028), tying people-to-people links to a broader security partnership with PNG - signalling alignment and trust while countering rival influence.
Two perspectives on Australia’s national interest of security are ...
Greens: Oppose AUKUS; call to cancel it and decouple from U.S. military posture, redirecting funds to local, strictly defensive capability. Albanese Government: Frames AUKUS as essential to deterrence and a “free and open Indo-Pacific,” reaffirmed in joint leaders’ statements.
How much did New START reduce WMDs?
The New START Treaty between the US and Russia limited each to 1,550 deployed strategic nuclear warheads and 700 delivery systems, reducing deployed arsenals by roughly 30% compared to previous limits under START I.
What are two consequences of armed conflict in Myanmar?
Great power rivalry has intensified, with Russia and China backing the junta while the US, EU, and ASEAN states impose sanctions—turning Myanmar into a proxy arena for geopolitical influence. The conflict has also spurred a surge in methamphetamine production, with the Golden Triangle becoming one of the world’s largest suppliers, financing both insurgents and the military.
Two consequences of China’s pursuit of its national interests are ...
Philippines: PRC’s dredging/island militarisation at Mischief/Subi/Fiery Cross undermines Manila’s EEZ; the 2016 PCA ruling rejected China’s nine-dash line claims, yet coercive activity persists. Sri Lanka: BRI-linked Hambantota port ended in a 99-year lease after debt distress, raising sovereignty and leverage concerns.
How have Australia’s responses to a regional issue led to political cooperation or conflict?
Participation in multilateral maritime exercises with partners (e.g., Philippines-US-Japan-Australia events in/near the South China Sea; RIMPAC 2024) builds interoperability and political cooperation among like-minded states, but predictably provokes PRC protests, adding diplomatic friction.
China’s national interest of economic prosperity has been advanced through ...
China pursues growth by exporting capital/tech via the Belt and Road Initiative: Indonesia’s Jakarta–Bandung high-speed rail opened Oct 2023 (costs - US$7.3bn; debt now under restructuring talks). Cumulative BRI engagements have surpassed US$1 trillion by 2025.
How has the UN responded to the issue of WMDs?
Over the past decade, the UN has acted through key resolutions and agencies. UNSC 2235 (2015) and 2319 (2016) investigated chemical weapon use in Syria, while GA A/75/L.56 (2021) reinforced cooperation with the OPCW. The UN also endorsed A/C.1/78/L.52 (2023) on nuclear victim assistance and A/RES/78/44 (2024) condemning ongoing chemical weapons use, reaffirming its global disarmament mandate.
How has Russia contributed to political stability in Myanmar?
Since 2021, Russia has reinforced the Tatmadaw’s hold on power through arms sales, energy deals, and diplomatic support in the UN Security Council. High-level visits, including Sergey Shoigu’s 2022 defence pact, and joint military training have entrenched the junta’s control, sustaining the authoritarian status quo rather than promoting reform.
China’s effectiveness in achieving its security interests have been ...
Effective at home: A harsh Xinjiang crackdown (2014–2022) expanded arrests, surveillance and detention - consolidating internal control and reducing terrorist attacks. Limited at sea: The PCA (2016) found China’s South China Sea claims had no legal basis under UNCLOS; Beijing rejects the award, so legal legitimacy is lacking despite facts on the water.
One challenge to Australia’s relationship with a PIF member (PNG) is ...
The 2019 referendum saw 97.7% vote for independence; drawn-out PNG-Bougainville negotiations (still active in 2024–2025) create regional sensitivity. Australia must balance support for a peaceful, lawful process with its close security partnership with PNG - risking perceptions of partiality either way.
How has armed conflict caused proliferation-risk dynamics for WMDs?
Russia–Ukraine: Military operations around Zaporizhzhia NPP have repeatedly cut external power and heightened nuclear-safety risks, eroding non-proliferation norms and crisis stability. Syria: Continued chemical-weapons use findings (e.g., Douma 2018) and unresolved declaration issues since 2015 show norm violations amid war.
How is militarisation a cause of weapons of mass destruction?
Modern militarisation — seen in Russia’s nuclear modernisation (2022 invasion of Ukraine), North Korea’s escalating missile tests, and China’s rapid arsenal expansion — fuels WMD development as states seek deterrence and strategic dominance. This arms race dynamic undermines disarmament treaties such as New START and the TPNW, increasing global insecurity.
What are China’s perspectives on the crisis?
China views Myanmar primarily through a pragmatic lens, seeking to protect its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments, such as the Kyaukpyu port and oil-gas pipeline, and to maintain border stability. While calling for “non-interference,” Beijing has engaged both the junta and ethnic armed groups to secure its economic and security interests, avoiding direct condemnation of the coup.
How has the PRC used foreign aid as a policy instrument?
After Kiribati switched recognition in 2019, China funded/pledged a commercial ferry and ramped up development finance and transport projects, pairing grants with broader infrastructure support (e.g., South Tarawa transport upgrades, SDF micro-grants).
What forms of power has Australia used to advance security?
Australia has relied on coercive/legal-administrative power via offshore processing (Nauru/PNG) under Operation Sovereign Borders-deterrence through interception, transfer and prolonged processing-despite sustained human-rights criticism domestically and internationally.
How has global interconnectedness impacted WMDs?
DPRK: Sanctions-evasion networks (ship-to-ship transfers, covert finance/IT) persisted; Russia’s 2024 veto ended the UN Panel of Experts’ mandate, weakening monitoring. Iran: Expanded nuclear/space cooperation (Bushehr reactors; launches of Iranian satellites incl. Pars-1 and Nahid-2) illustrates interstate transfer of dual-use technologies that can bolster strategic capabilities.
What challenges were faced in reducing WMDs in Syria?
The UN and OPCW oversaw the destruction of most Syrian chemical weapons, but conflict conditions, restricted access, and concealment hindered full verification. Chemical attacks continued in Douma (2018) and later sites, leading to UNSC and OPCW condemnations (2021–2024). Russia’s vetoes also blocked further enforcement actions.
How has international law been used to resolve the crisis?
International law mechanisms have targeted accountability for atrocity crimes. Karim Khan, as ICC Prosecutor, used jurisdiction under the Rome Statute (Article 12(2)(a)) to investigate deportation of the Rohingya into Bangladesh (a State Party). The ICC continues gathering evidence of crimes against humanity, while UN Resolution 2669 (2022) and the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) support ongoing legal action and documentation of violations.
Two perspectives on the PRC’s regional relationship with Russia are ...
CCP view: The Feb 2022 joint statement casts ties as a “no-limits” partnership serving a multipolar order and resisting Western pressure. DPP view: Taipei frames PRC-Russia military pageantry and alignment as a threat to peace and rules-based order; officials publicly condemn the partnership and war in Ukraine.
Challenges to Australia’s relationship with another Indo-Pacific state (Indonesia) are ...
Ongoing rights abuses in West Papua strain ties and Australian domestic debate. Greens advocate stronger rights-focused pressure; meanwhile, Australia is party to core UN human-rights treaties (ICCPR, CAT, etc.), inviting scrutiny of how consistently it raises these concerns with Jakarta while deepening security cooperation.
One success of international law in addressing WMDs has been ...
Under the Chemical Weapons Convention, Russia completed destruction of its declared CW stockpile in 2017, and the United States completed in July 2023; OPCW confirmed all declared stockpiles worldwide are now irreversibly destroyed - an enforcement and verification success.